GIFT  OF 
Mrs.   Edith.  Hoses 


PPLEMENT  TO  HOPE  AND  HOME,  OcT.  21,  1893. 


Proportional 


Representation 


INCLUDING  ITS  RELATIONS  TO  THE 


INITIATIVE  AND  REFERENDUM 


BY    ALFRED  CRIDGE. 


PRICE  TEX  CENTS. 

UBLItHED   BY   THE    AUTHOR   AT   429   MONTGOMERY  STREET,   SAN  FRAKCI8CO. 


V 


PROPORTIONAL  REPRESENTATION, 

THE  INITIATIVE  AND  THE  R  E.FE^B"N  D  t/M- 


BY  ALFEED  CRIDGE. 


Definitions. 

"Direct  Legislation"  comprises  the  Referendum  and  the  Initiative.  Under  the 
former,  laws,  etc.,  after  being  passed  by  the  legislature,  are  referred  to  a  direct  vote 
of  "the  people"  to  be  ratified  or  rejected.  When  "obligatory,"  all  laws  must  beso 
referred;  when  "optional,"  they  are  referred  only  on  request  of  a  certain  number 
or  percentage  of  the  voters.  The  Initiative  requires  the  submission  to  such  direct 
vote  of  any  proposed  law  formally  approved  by  a  certain  percentage  of  the  voters. 

Proportional  representation  substitutes  for  assumed  representation  of  majorities, 
penned  within  district  lines,  a. pro  rata  representation  of  the  wA0/<?  people  of  a  State 
or  municipality,  so  arranged,  in  one  form,  as  to  represent  partiesin  proportion  to  the 
number  of  their  adherents,  and  in  the  other,  the  whole  people,  whether  in  or  out 
of  parties.  This  is  known  as  the  Hare  Preferential  system,  because  if  a  vote  is 
not  wanted  to  elect  the  candidate  who  is  the  voter's  first  choice,  it  is  used  for  some 
other  candidate  in  the  order  of  his  preference.  In  California  one-eightieth  of  its 
voters,  wherever  resident,  in  one  or  twenty  counties,  could  secure  an  Assembly- 
man ;  legislatures  would  be  complete  reflexes  of  the  people,  and  the  wasted  votes 
so  very  small  that  in  South  Australia  the  system  is  known  as  Effective  Voting. 


PREFATORY. 

When  the  French  Academicians  were  getting  up  their  dictionary  they 
submitted  to  Cuvier  the  following  definition  of  a  crab  : 

"A  red  fish  that  walks  backward." 

He  remarked  that  the  definition  was  correct,  excepting  that  the  crab 
was  not  red,  was  not  a  fish  and  did  not  walk  backward. 

King  Charles  II  asked  the  members  of  the  Royal  Society  how  it  was  that 
when  a  fish  was  put  into  a  bucket  of  water  the  weight  of  the  bucket  and 
its  contents  was  not  increased.  Several  presented  ingenious  explanations, 
after  which  one  of  them  rose  up  and  denied  the  fact,  when  the  King  re- 
marked, "Odd  fish !  but  you're  right." 

Those  who  write  so  fluently  about  "the  people's  rule,"  «  voters  make 
.  their  own  laws,"  "this  is  a  people's  government,"  etc.,  are  as  wide  of  the 
1  mark  as  the  savants  above  mentioned,  in  that  they  have  not  ascertained 
Vthe  facts  themselves,  but  have  simply  believed  what  they  have  been  told. 

It  is  said"  Democracy"  does,  this,  that,  or  the  other  thing,  when,  out- 
side of  Switzerland,  Democracy  has  no  existence,  and  there  only  partially. 


742910 


2  A  CLEAB  STAET. 

\i  4»*\      v  •*'••-**«  » 

""W.  D:  Stearin  the  Beview  of  Reviews  says,  "Demos  will  regard  his  mill- 

3©n3,i¥e^  u4  Jthe  eojftagef  regards  his  bees."  But  his  as  others'  "  Demos  "  is 
"as'  much^a  fhytli  as 'Bacchus  or  Saturn.  DeTocqueville  has  written  a  book 
of  over  500  pages  on  "Democracy  in  America,"  when  the  thing  did  not 
then,  and  does  not  now  exist  in  America. 

It  is  of  the  first  importance  to  the  consideration  of  any  of  the  funda- 
mental political  questions  now  taken  up  by  thinking  persons  to  ascertain 
what  is  and  is  not  representation  ;  how  far,  if  at  all,  voters  really  make 
the  laws,  and  how  far  they  might  do  in  practice  what  they  are  said  to  do 
in  theory.  This  lies  at  the  foundation  of  all  intelligent  effort  to  improve 
industrial  and  moral  conditions  by  political  processes.  It  is  the  keystone, 
the  keynote  and  the  key  to  all  such  reforms. 

I  therefore  propose  to  consider  the  subject  in  the  light  of  facts  and 
reason,  negatively,  positively  and  relatively  ;  with  the  preliminary  remark 
that  limitations  as  to  space  preclude  setting  forth  within  the  limits  of  a 
small  pamphlet,  a  complete  exposition  of  a  subject  that  in  the  hands 
of  other  writers  spreads  into  large  volumes.  Yet,  as  truth  is  always  simple, 
the  subject  can  be  made  clear  in  a  limited  space,  provided  the  reader  can 
divest  himself  sufficiently  of  pre-conceived  notions  to  give  it  a  candid 
consideration. 

There  are  two  methods  adopted  by  scientists  and  logicians  to  reach 
facts.  First,  the  a  priori  process,  by  which  the  truths  of  mathematics  can 
be  established  in  advance  of  experience,  as  that  twice  two  is  four  and 
that  the  sum  of  all  the  angles  in  a  triangle  must  always  be  equal  to  two 
right  angles.  Secondly,  the  a  posteriori  method  of  deducing  general 
laws  from  experiment  and  observation,  such  as  that  water  freezes  and 
vaporises  at  certain  temperatures  and  that  the  earth  is  nearly  spherical. 

I  shall  demonstrate  that  the  current  assumptions  are  false  by  both 
these  processes. 


CHAPTER  I. 

A   PRIOKI    DEMONSTRATION. 

It  can  be  demonstrated,  aside  from  any  actual  experience,  that  under 
representation  by  districts,  minorities,  from  one-third  down  ( the  propor- 
tion growing  less  with  the  increased  number  of  parties'),  can  return  a  ma- 
jority of  the  members  in  elective  bodies. 


FALSE  FKOM  THE  BASE.  3 

Suppose  three  constituencies,  of  3,000  voters  each,  elect  each  a  member 
to  a  "representative  body."  Let  each  representative  be  designated  by 
capitals  and  each  thousand  voters  by  "lower  case  "  letters. 

CONSTITUENCIES.  REPRESENTATIVES. 

baa  A 

baa  A 

b     b     b  b 

Two  constituencies  with  2,000  "a"  voters  each,  and  but  1,000  " b " 
voters  each,  return  an  A  member  each.  The  third  constituency  consist- 
ing entirely  of  "  b  "  voters,  returns  one  B  member.  But  the  whole  of 
the  "b"  votes  number  '5,000,  and  only  get  one  member,  while  the  "a" 
voters,  with  4,000,  get  two. 

Now  let  us  try  with  7  constituencies,  each  having  7,000  voters! 
aaaabbb  A 

aaaabbb  A 

aaaabbb  A 

aaaabbb  A 

bbbbbbb  B 

bbbbbbb  B 

bbbbbbb  B 

There  we  have  16,000  "a"  voters  electing 4  members  and  33,000  "b" 
voters  electing  but  3  members.  Less  than  a  third  of  the  voters  elect 
a  majority  of  the  so-called  "representatives." 

But  to  attempt  to  represent  all  grades  of  opinion  by  means  of  two 
parties  is  as  absurd  at  it  would  be  to  undertake  to  fit  every  one  by  two 
sizes  and  makes  of  coats,  hats  and  shoes.  In  proportion  as  people  think 
for  themselves,  the  need  is  felt  for  a  third,  a  fourth,  and  even  a  fiftn 
party  ;  and  then  the  current  varieties  of  opinions  on  political  questions 
would  be  inadequately  voiced.  But  let  us  try  a  third  party  ("  c  "),  thus : 

CONSTITUENCIES.  REPRESENTATIVES 

bbccaaa  A 

.bbccaaa  A 

bbccaaa  A 

bbccaaa  A 

cccbbbb  B 

cccbbbb  B 

cccbbbb  B 

Here  we  have  49,000  voters  in  seven  constituencies.  The  "a  "s,  with  but 
12,000 — less  than  a  fourth  of  the  whole — get  a  majority  of  the"r  ep resent- 


4  PROOF  OF  NON-REPRESENTATION. 

tive"  body,  while  the  "c'  s,"  with  nearly  50  per  cent  more  voters,  do  notget 
one  member  in  it;  and  the  "  b's,"  with  a  plurality  vote,  get  a  minority  rep- 
resentation. Were  there  four,  five  or  six  parties,  the  minority  of  voters 
that  might  thuf  secure  a  majority  of  the  elected  body  would  necessarily 
become  less  and  less.  That  is,  the  more  intelligent  voters  become,  the 
less  representation  do  they  get,  if  they  vote  in  accordance  with  their  con- 
victions. It  may  be  claimed  that  the  cases  represented  are  extreme.  But 
there  are  other  factors,  of  which  we  have  taken  so  far  no  cognizance,  that 
will  still  further  increase  disparities.  It  is  practically  impossible  for 
voters  in  a  mass  to  control  party  management ;  and  a  very  small  minor- 
ity in  the  party  not  only  can,  but  do,  not  only  do,  but  must,  control  the 
nominations,  so  that  the  option  (not  choice)  of  the  voter,  in  most  cases, 
is  to  vote  for  one  man  that  does  not  represent  him  in  preference  to  voting 
for  another  that  would  misrepresent  him.  If  his  party  wins,  he  is  there- 
fore misrepresented ;  if  it  loses,  he  is  unrepresented. 


CHAPTER    II. 

A   POSTEBIORI   DEMONSTRATION. 

Now  let  118  see  how  the  process  actually  works.  I  might  fill  volumes 
with  conclusive  statistical  proof  that  either  a  minority  of  voters,  or  a  very 
small  majority,  elect  all  the  legislators,  etc.,  leaving,  for  the  time,  the  fact 
that  even  that  minority,  to  a  large  extent,  only  had  a  choice  of  evils. 

I  will  only  select,  at  present,  a  few  recent  examples.  In  Oakland ,  7 
of  the  Councilmen  and  7  of  the  members  of  the  Board  of  Education  are 
elected  from  as  many  wards,  and  4  more  of  each  "  at  large  ;"  that  is,  all 
voters  in  that  municipality  vote  for  4  candidates.  At  the  election  of  March, 
1893,  28,488  votes  were  cast  for  the  4  Councilmen  at  large,  but  only  10,195 
or  nearly  36  per  cent.,  were  cast  for  the  candidates  elected.  For  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Board  of  Education  so  chosen,  26,588  votes  were  cast,  of 
which  but  10,739,  or  a  little  over  40  per  cent.,  were  cast  for  the  candi- 
dates elected.  The  votes  cast  in  the  7  wards,  under  which  as  many  mem- 
bers of  the  Board  of  Education  were  elected  from  these  wards  separately, 
aggregated  7,127,  of  which  3,265  were  effective  for  the  elected  members 
or  nearly  46  per  cent.  All  the  candidates  for  Coumcilmen  similarly  voted 
for  received  8,141  votes  in  all,  but  those  7  elected  received  3,079,  or  37.8 
per  cent,  of  the  total. 


RADICAL  DEFECTS  PROVED  BY  FIGURES.  5 

The  successful  candidate  for  the  School  Board  fromthe  6th  ward  re- 
ceived 297  out  of  the  803  votes,  or  nearly  36  per  cent  The  can- 
didates elected  from  the  7th  ward  received  724  out  of  the  1,114 
votes  cast — nearly  two-thirds  of  the  whole,  and  almost  two  and  one-half 
times  as  many  as  the  6th  ward  member,  but  he  has  only  the  same  voting 
power  in  the  Board.  The  elected  candidate  of  the  6th  only  received  4 
votes  more  than  one  of  those  defeated,  so  that  a  change  of  3  votes  out  of 
803  would  have  elected  one  of  his  opponents.  In  three  wards  ( 1st.  2nd  and 
4th )  as  many  defeated  candidates  received  more  votes  ( 329, 372,  292) 
than  the  candidates  elected  from  the  6th.  Of  the  Councilmen  elected  by 
wards,  two  received  less  than  a  third  of  the  votes  cast  in  each  Ward  ( 30.9 
and  33.15  per  cent.) ;  two  more  received  but  a  little  over  a  third  ( 34.4 
and  36),  and  none  of  them  received  half  the  votes  cast  in  their  respective 
wards. 

At  the  election  for  six  Assemblymen  from  the  same  number  of  Districts 
in  Alameda  County  on  November  8th,  1892, 17,307  votes  were  cast,  of  which 
only  8,078 — i6  per  cent. — were  effective  in  electing  candidates.  A  change 
of  from  1  to  less  than  3  per  cent,  of  the  votes  in  three  of  the  Districts, 
of  less  than  a  third  of  one  per  cent,  in  another,  and  of  five  and  one- 
third  and  seven  and  one-half  per  cent,  in  the  other  two  would  have 
elected  an  entirely  different  Assembly  delegation. 

At  the  San  Francisco  municipal  election,  Nov.  8th,  1892,  the  average  vote 
for  12  Supervisors,  who  are  elected  at  large,  was  51,131,  and  the  average 
vote  for  successful  candidates  was  19,085,  or  slightly  over  37  per  cent. 
The  Democratic  party,  on  a  vote  of  39  per  cent.,  secured  eighty-three  and 
one-third  per  cent. — 10  out  of  12 — of  the  Board.  A  vote  of  seven-twelfths  of 
that  Board  would  not,  then,  necessarily  represent  but  twenty -one  and  one- 
half  per  cent,  of  the  voters.  The  members  of  the  Board  of  Education,  also 
elected  at  large,  received  about  the  same  percentage  of  the  total  vote 
cast  as  the  Supervisors.  By  comparison  of  this  percentage  with  that  of 
Oakland,  it  will  be  seen  that  election  either  at  large  or  by  districts  is 
equally  unrepresentative. 

In  1890  the  Congressmen  elected  from  this  State  received  128,451  votes 
out  of  252,012  cast,  or  50.1  per  cent.  In  1892  they  received  119,171  out 
of  240,210,  or  49.6  per  cent.  The  political  elements  at  work  differed  very 
widely  in  1892  from  those  of  1890,  by  reason  of  the  increase  of  the  votes 
for  a  third  party.  Yet  the  percentage  or  the  voters  represented  ( after  a 
fashion)  varied  but  little  ;  and  until  we  have  complete  proportional  repre- 
sentation, mere  changes  in  party  names  are  fruitless. 


6  PERCENTAGE  OF  VOTERS  REPRESENTED  IN  LAWS. 

It  is  the  same  in  voluntary  organizations.  On  March  29th,  1893,  the 
Typographical  Union  of  this  city  elected  3  delegates  to  the  International 
convention  of  that  body,  each  member  voting  for  3  of  the  11  candidates. 
The  votes  numbered  1758,  which,  divided  by  3,  gives  653  voters.  The 
successful  candidates  received  280,  234,  and  228,  votes  respectively,  being 
an  average  of  257.  This  gives  an  average  of  38  per  cent,  of  the  votes 
represented.  A  change  of  one  vote  \vould  have  elected  another  candi- 
date in  place  of  the  one  who  received  228. 

In  the  whole  State,  on  Nov.  8th,  1892,  249,363  votes  were  cast  for  As- 
semblymen from  80  single  districts,  of  which  116,908  votes  were  cast  for 
members  elected  and  132,455  against  them,  so  that  only  a  fraction  over 
47  per  cent,  of  the  voters  elected  every  member  of  the  Assembly,  and 
nearly  53  per  cent,  were  entirely  unrepresented,  even  in  form,  while  most 
of  the  47  per  cent,  were  not  probably  represented  in  fact.  The  vote  of  41 
out  of  the  80  members  could  not,  therefore,  be  considered  as  representing, 
on  an  average,  more  than  24  per  cent,  of  the  voters ;  yet  that  proportion  had 
the  power  to  enact  laws,  so  far  as  that  House  is  concerned ;  and  the  Sen- 
ate is  elected  on  the  same  plan,  excepting  that  half  are  hold-overs  and 
only  represented  those  who  voted  for  them  two  years  before. 

Fortunately  the  House,  in  its  ensuing  session,  by  the  votes  on  cer- 
tain measures,  positively  proved  the  preceding  position.  On  Feb.  23rd, 
1893,  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  requiring  that  on  request  of 
ten  per  cent,  of  the  voters  of  the  State,  any  bill  passed  by  the  Legislature 
must  be  submitted  to  the  voters  at  the  polls  for  ratification  or  rejection,, 
and  that  any  bill  proposed  by  that  percentage  should  be  similarly  pre- 
sented for  direct  vote,  was  rejected  by  32  negative  votes  out  of  the  80  As- 
semblymen, it  requiring  a  two-thirds  vote  for  such  amendment.  These  32 
members  received  a  total  of  44,281  votes  in  their  several  constituencies, 
being  less  than  18  per  cent  of  the  249,263  votes  of  the  State  received  for 
Assemblymen.  Thus  LESS  THAN  A  FIFTH  of  the  voters  of  the  State  are  em- 
powered, under  this  sham  of  representation,  to  determine  that  the  other 
four-fifths  shall  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  laws  except  to  vote  for  the 
class  of  men  usually  nominated  by  party  machines. 

An  amendment  to  give  the  Legislature  power  to  amend  the  tax  laws  so 
as  to  permit  the  voters  of  each  municipality,  county,  etc.,  to  determine  by 
direct  vote  what  classes  of  property  should  and  what  should  not  be 
taxed,  received  42  negative  votes.  These  42  received  60,803  votes,  which 
is  less  than  twenty-four  and  one-half  per  cent,  of  the  total  votes  cast  for 
Assemblymen  in  the  State.  This  concurs  with  the  position  above  held, 


7  THE  ITERATED  IDIOCY  OF  PEOPLE'S  RULE. 

that  41  Assemblymen  out  of  the  80  would  represent  an  average  of  about 
24  per  cent,  of  the  voters. 

In  the  Assembly  elected  in  November,  1890  by  133,265  votes  out  of  248,- 
423  cast  (53  per  cent.),  the  Vagrant  bill  was  passed  by  44  ayes  and  26  noes. 
The  ayes  had  received  70,277  votes  at  the  polls,— a  little  over  28  per  cent, 
of  the  total  vote  for  Assemblymen.  The  26  noes  had  received  47,284 
votes  ;  and  130,702  voters,  being  over  half  the  votes  in  the  State,  had  no 
voice  whatever  in  the  enactment  of  that  law. 

The  bill  for  an  appropriation  of  $300,000  for  the  "World's  Fair  received 
44  ayes,  these  44  having  received  80,886  votes — Jess  than  a  third  of  the 
whole.  24  who  wanted  a  less  amount,  received  36,651  votes. 

When  Senator  Stanford  was  re-elected  he  received  59  votes,  these  rep- 
resenting 97,939  votes  at  the  polls,  or  less  than  two-fifths  of  the  whole  ; 
though  his  majority  was  one  short  of  three-fourths  of  the  representative 
body. 

The  whole  course  of  legislation  might  thus  be  followed  up  in  any  ses- 
sion of  almost  any  Legislature  or  Congress  with  similar  results. 

And  if  these  figures  do  not  prove  my  position,  no  figures  can  prove 
anything  and  all  reasoning  is  impossible.  It  is  fully  as  reasonable  to  af- 
firm that  the  earth  is  flat  with  the  heavenly  bodies  revolving  around  it 
as  that  our  electoral  system  is  representative  or  democratic.  But  the 
demonstration  to  the  contrary  is  much  more  easily  understood  in  the 
latter  than  in  the  former  case.  And  were  it  not  that  the  false  view  is  so 
persistently  iterated  and  reiterated  on  every  possible  occasion,  even  by 
so-called  "reform"  journals,  the  proposition  that  any  country  outside  of 
three  Cantons  in  Switzerland,  has  a  "representative  "  government,  or 
that  "the  people  rule,"  would  be  laughed  to  scorn  as  the  gibberings  of 
an  idiot  or  the  verbal  antics  of  a  parrot. 


CHAPTEB    III. 

AS. TO   DIRECT   LEGISLATION. 

This  can  be  accomplished  by  two  processes  known  as  the  Referendum 
and  the  Initiative,  as  defined  on  the  first  page. 

At  first  sight,  these,  with  the  power  of  recalling  a  member  by  a  ma- 
jority of  his  local  constituency,  might  seem  to  include  all  necessary  mea- 
sures to  suppress  the  evils  of  our  present  system ;  especially  as  the  actual 


8  NECESSITY   OF   AGENTS   FOR   PUBLIC   BUSINESS. 

working  of  direct  legislation  in  Switzerland,  and  sometimes  in  the  United 
States,  has  proved  beneficial. 

But  as  compared  with  the  process  of  proportional  representation,  di- 
rect legislation  is  as  pack  mules  to  a  railroad.  By  simplifying  our  system 
of  enacting  and  executing  laws,  removing  from  legislation  that  which 
does  not  belong  to  it,  their  number  and  complexity  might  be  very  largely 
reduced  ;  the  removal  of  certain  privileges  would  reduce  poverty,  vice 
and  crime  to  a  minimum.  But  aside  from  all  this,  the  collective  busi- 
ness of  any  municipality,  State,  province  or  nation,  to  be  provided  for  by 
general  enactments  and  laws,  would  be  too  considerable  to  be  handled  by 
the  whole  mass  of  voters  to  advantage ;  nor  could  even  a  large  fraction 
of  those  voters  act  intelligently  on  the  hundreds  and  even  thousands,  of 
propositions  which  come  before  our  State  and  National  Legislatures. 

It  is  not  a  question  of  the  intelligence  or  morality  of  the  voters  com- 
pared with  those  acting  as  their  agents.  The  point  is  that  in  any  but  a 
very  small  or  sparse  community,  the  business  of  society  must  be  trans- 
acted through  agencies,  by  division  of  labor ;  and  the  tendencies  of  social 
and  industrial  advancement  lies  actually  and  necessarily  in  this  direction. 
No  longer  does  the  farmer  shear  his  sheep  and  his  family  turn  the 
wool  into  cloth;  but  he  sends  his  wool  to  market  and  buys  his  clothing  at 
the  store.  Whether  the  change  is  a  benefit  or  not,  it  had  to  come.  All 
thinkers  know  that  DIFFERENTIATION  is  an  element  in  progress.  In  the 
very  lowest  animals  the  stomach  is  about  all  there  is  of  them;  it  is  only 
as  evolution  takes  place  that  the  several  organs  become  distinct.  So  as 
the  body  politic  grows,  the  transaction  by  the  whole  of  the  collective  bus- 
jness  becomes  more  difficult,  and  delegations  of  functions  become  neces- 
sary. "  Direct  Legislation  "  is  "  reform  "  clam-ward. 

Even  in  small  voluntary  organizations  committees  are  elected  to  con- 
duct their  business,  as  a  matter  of  convenience,  and  even  necessity.  In 
many  such,  only  a  minority  of  members  can  be  induced  to  attend  the 
regular  meetings  where  a  majority  of  those  present  have  full  power  to  act 
For  instance:  on  March  29th,  1893,  the  Typographical  Union  of  this 
city  ( as  before  stated )  elected  three  delegates  to  the  International  Con- 
vention on  38  to  42  per  cent,  of  the  vote.  It  is  clear  that  all  the  mem- 
bers of  all  the  Typographical  Unions  in  this  and  other  places  in  the  Uni- 
ted States  ( over  700  in  this  city  alone)  could  not  have  gone  to  Chicago ; 
and  if  they  had  gone,  a  mass  of  several  thousand  people  could  not  trans- 
act any  business.  It  had  to  be  done  by  authorized  agents  of  some  kind. 


WHERE   "  DIRECT   LEGISLATION"    IS   IMPOSSIBLE.  9 

But  under  the  current  system,  if  these  agents  represented  but  42  per 
cent  of  the  voters,  the  acts  of  a  bare  majority  would  represent  but  a  little 
over  21  per  cent.  That  these  must  subsequently  be  ratified  by  a  majority 
of  the  members  proves  nothing  against  the  importance  of  full  represen- 
tation. If  direct  "legislation"  is  sufficient  for  affairs  of  State,  it  would  be 
at  least  equally  sufficient  for  the  affairs  of  the  Typographical  Union,  and 
there  need  have  been  no  International  convention  at  all.  Its  purpose, 
however,  as  well  as  that  of  any  convention  or  legislature — industrial,  poli- 
tical, scientific  or  philanthropic — is  to  consult,  deliberate,  exchange  views 
and  perhaps  act.  Hence  members  of  such  bodies  should  represent,  as 
fully  and  as  freely  as  possible,  the  general  views  of  their  constituents  and 
concentrate  their  efforts  in  devising  measures  that  would  best  carry 
views  into  effect.  It  is  obvious  that  no  "  direct  legislation"  can  meet 
those  requirements. 

I  mention  these  points  as  to  the  Typographical  Union  because  it  has 
adduced  as  an  evidence  of  the  sufficiency  of  direct  legislation  to  solve 
the  political  problem.  And  it  may  be  appropriate  to  remark  here  that  a 
months  ago  I  was  called  upon,  as  a  member  of  that  body,  to  vote  on 
some  thirty  propositions  at  about  24  hours'  notice,  and  had  no  means  of 
forming  an  opinion  on  nearly  half  of  them.  I  could  have  voted  more 
intelligently,  and  more  in  the  spirit  of  true  democracy,  were  the  manage- 
ment entrusted  to  trustees  elected,  as  are  those  of  the  Mechanics'  Insti- 
tute, by  the  Hare  plan  of  proportional  representation,  as  hereinafter  de- 
scribed. 

In  this  Institute  seven  Trustees  are  elected  every  year,  serving  for  two 
years.  It  is  difficult  to  get  an  attendance  of  over  a  hundred  at  its  "di- 
rect legislation  "  quarterly  meetings  of  the  members,  or  to  get  any  action 
taken  at  these  meetings.  But  there  were  905  votes  cast  at  its  last  elec- 
tion for  Trustees.  The  fact  is  clear  beyond  reasonable  question  that  it 
is  much  easier,  where  the  opportunity  is  fully  given  (as  it  would  be  under 
proportional  representation),  to  select  a  few  competent  and  reliable  PER- 
SONS than  to  decide  upon  the  merits  of  many  MEASURES.  This  is  fully  es- 
tablished, among  other  data,  by  the  record  of  the  California  electoral 
vote  of  Nov.  8th,  1892.  On  this  occasion  not  only  were  legislators,  con- 
gressmen, eta,  .elected,  but  5  propositions  and  and  4  constitutional 
amendments  submitted  for  direct  vote.  There  were  249,363  votes  cast 
for  Assemblymen  and  over  268,000  for  Presidential  electors. 

But  taking  the  vote  for  Assemblymen  as  the  standard,  let  us  compare 
the  percentage  on  this  of  the  vote  cast  for  these  several  Amendments 


10  POWER  OF  COMMITTEES — THE  PRESS. 

and  Propositions,  and  see  what  "  direct  legislation  "  amounts  to,  even  as 
against  the  grossly  unjust  and  clumsy  process  of  electing  legislators. 

The  vote  on  election  of  U.S.  Senators  by  the  people  (pro  and  con.,  as  in 
all  these  cases,  being  added  together)  was  201,300 — a  little  over  80  per 
cent,  of  the  vote  for  Assemblymen.  For  and  against  Ferry  Depot — 181, 
726,  or  nearly  73  per  cent.  Refund  debt— 168,504— 67%  per  cent.  Con- 
stitutional Amendment  No.  10—290,273—76.3  per  cent.  Constitutional 
Amendment  No. 7  168,490 — 67 per  cent.  Constitutional  Amendment  No: 
11 — 132,199 — a  little  over  53  per  cent.  Constitutional  Amendment  5 — 
156,994 — 63  per  cent.  Constitutional  Amendment  14, — 156,994— less  than 
63  per  cent. 

It  is  said  that  the  working  of  Direct  Legislation  in  Switzerland  has 
been  so  satisfactory  as  to  prove  that  no  representative  body  is  needed, 
otherwise  than  to  formulate  measures  for  approval  of,  or  rejection  by  of 
the  votes  and  hence  that  it  is  of  minor  consequence  how  they  are  elected, 
as  with  the  obligatory  referendum  (in  which  all  legislative  measures 
must  be  refered  to  the  body  of  voters)  and  the  initiative,  would  be  only 
<<a  body  of  powerless  committeemen."  But,  in  the  first  place,  committee 
men  are  very  far  from  "powerless ",  whether  in  voluntary  organizations 
or  in  legislatures.  Every  person  having  any  knowledge  of  the  workings 
of  either  knows  the  contrary.  A  bill  reported  adversely  by  a  legislative 
committee  has  a  very  poor  chance  of  passing  ;  and  the  recomendations  of 
a  committee  in  a  voluntary  organization — whether  a  representative  body 
or  one  of  the  entire  membership — are  very  likely  to  be  concurred  in. 

Hence  it  is  necessary  to  effective  work  not  only  that  such  business 
should  be  transacted  by  agents  but  that  the  agents  should  be  chosen  in  a 
manner  that  will  secure  the  most  capable  persons,  fairly  representing  the 
whole  body  of  persons  for  whom  they  act.  No  merchant  or  manufact- 
urer would  be  satisfied  with  an  agent  or  clexk,  when  not  allowed  the  use 
of  his  best  judgment  in  the  selection,  merely  because  he  could  instruct 
such  clerk  or  agent,  or  over-rule  his  action. 

Another  serious  objection  to  the  Initiative,  when  considered  as  a  sub- 
stitute for  proportional  representation,  is  that  to  so  formulate  any  mea- 
sure some  persons  must  be  selected  or  empowered  to  draft  it  by  some  ir- 
regular process,  subject  to  no  efficient  checks.  Bnt  those  persons  would 
be  no  more  "representative"  of  the  whole  or  any  portion  of  the  commun- 
ity than  the  average  legislator  ;  they  might  be  less.  Thay  are  very  likely 
to  be  composed  of  tliescum  so  apt  to  rise  to  the  top  in  exciting  times. 


DRAWBACKS   OF    THE   INITIATIVE.  11 

What  security  could  there  be  that  such  persons  would  not  be  the 
crafty,  secret  agents  of  the  worst  enemies  of  the  proposed  measures  ? 

Any  one  with  California  experience  should  require  no  reasoning  tp 
convince  him  that  were  such  a  measure,  for  instance,  as  government  rail- 
's or  telegraphs,  or  municipal  water  works  to  be  embodied  in  an  In- 
itiative bill,  the  secret  agents  of  the  Western  Union,  the  Southern  Pacific, 
or  the  Spring  Valley  Water  Works,  would  have  a  good  many  fingers  in 
the  pie,  and  would  be  sure  to  see  that  the  bill  contained  some  "  unconsti- 
tutional" provision,  or  some  other  "  little  joker"  fatal  to  its  efficiency. 

And  once  presented  to  the  voters  at  the  polls,  there  can  be  no  amend- 
ment*, modifications  or  substitutes;  it  can  only  be  voted  on  as  it  stands — 
aye  or  no.  Then  these  same  interested  parties  could  either  expose  its 
defects  and  compass  its  defeat,  or  let  it  pass  and  defeat  it  in  the  Courts, 
or  otherwise  have  it  made  useless,  or  worse.  But  in  a  truly  representative 
legislature  any  such  bill  would  be  carefully  framed  and  thoroughly  dis- 
cussed, after  being  well  scrutinized  in  committee.  Thus,  if  passed,  it 
would  be  adequate  to  the  purpose. 

And  would  it  not  be  much  easier  and  far  more  efficacious  to  elect  one 
body  of  men  proportionally  ( see  next  chapter )  then  to  be  fussing  with 
conventions,  committees  and  organizations  without  end — one  for  almost 
every  measure  supposed  to  be  extensively  demanded  ?  It  would  take 
a  hundred  times  the  work  to  accomplish  anything  in  this  way  (if  it  could 
be  accomplished  at  all )  than  to  elect  a  legislature  by  proportional  rep- 
resentation that  would  do  it  all  without  a  ripple. 

It  has  been  maintained  that  all  the  benefits  of  legislative  debate  could 
be  reached  through  newspaper  discussion.  Bnt  no  one  cognizant  of  the 
influences  controlling  the  press  would  so  believe ;  nor  would  newspaper 
discussion,  however  full  and  fair,  meet  the  needs  of  the  case  without  de- 
bate face  to  face.  Of  the  preceding  nine  propositions,  some  received  no 
consideration  in  the  daily  press.  One  of  them  was  falsely  described  on  the 
ballots  as  LIMITING  the  power  of  municipalities  to  contract  debts,  when  it 
really  EXTENDS  it.  .  Debarred  as  voters  were  from  obtaining  trustworthy 
information,  it  is  probable  that  of  the  small  vote  a  large  percentage  was 
not  intelligently  cast. 

It  is  claimed  that  the  sufficiency  of  Direct  Legislation  has  been  proved 
in  Switzerland.  It  would  naturally  work  better  where  the  population  is 
small  and  almost  stationery,  where  every  person's  record  is  known  from 
infancy  and  public  opinion  a  great  power,  than  in  a  country  like  this, 


12  EXPERIENCE  OF  SWITZERLAND. 

where  all  these  conditions  are  reversed.  But  even  there  three  out  of  its 
22  Cantons,  in  which  three  the  Initiative  and  Referendum  have  been 
working  for  many  years,  have  within  two  years,  adopted  by  popular  vote, 
a  form  of  representation  measurably  proportional  AS  TO  PARTIES.  In  three 
other  Cantons  it  has  been  rejected,  viz :  Bale  City  by  4217  to  2755  in  1890; 
St.  Gall,  1892,  by  21,892  to  19,826;  and  Soleure,  1893,  by  6,620  to  4,950. 

Three  more  Cantons  are  likely  to  adopt  it  within  a  year  or  two; and  it 
is  not  unlikely  that  within  the  next  five  years  it  will  be  in  force  in  half  the 
Cantons  in  Switzerland.  It  thus  appears  decisively  that  the  Initiative  and 
Referendum  do  not  fill  the  bill  in  Switzerland,  and  are  much  less  likely 
to  do  so  in  the  United  States.  It  is  therefore  to  be  regretted  that  Mr.  W. 
J.  Sullivan,  in  his  otherwise  valuable  work  on  Direct  Legislation,  has 
seen  fit  to  be  reticent  on  facts  ( with  which  he  is  otherwise  known  to  be 
fully  conversant )  pertaining  so  closely  to  the  subject  of  his  advocacy. 

The  Referendum,  however  has  been  highly  useful  in  Switzerland  in 
proving  the  essentially  UNREPRESENTATIVE  character  of  what  is  commonly 
designated  "representative  government,"  and  it  was  by  the  knowledge 
that  the  Initiative  would  be  worked,  if  necessary,  that  one  or  more  of 
the  Cantonal  legislatures  were  induced  to  prepare  propositions  for  pro- 
portional representation  before  the  people  for  direct  vote.  The  processes 
are  simply  very  circuitous  routes  for  reaching  eventually  proportional  rep- 
resentation as  the  only  effective  means  of  instituting  true  democracy. 

The  Imperative  Mandate  may  be  regarded  as  an  intended  approach  to- 
wards direct  legislation,  consisting  in  the  power  of  a  majority  of  tha  con«- 
stituents  in  a  legislative  district  to  recall  a  legislator,  etc.,  with  whose 
course  they  are  dissatisfied.  Whatever  benefit  could  thereby  be  accom- 
plished in  a  most  clumsy,  costly  and  demoralizing  manner,  has  been 
reached  in  Switzerland  by  the  less  objectionable  processes  of  the  Initiative 
and  Referendum,  so  it  has  long  ceased  to  be  talked  about  there,  and  I 
believe  has  never  been  carried  into  effect  there  or  elsewhere.  It  is  abso- 
lutely incomptible  with  proportional  representation  and  a  secret  ballot ; 
and,  for  reasons  "too  numerous  to  mention/' it  would  be  useless  if  enacted. 

Little  can  be  accomplished  here  by  trying  to  wear  Switzerland's  cast-off 
clothes,  or  those  worn  nearly  threadbare.  We  can  do  something  much 
better  even  than  its  new  apparel.  While  its  proportional  representation 
is  only  for  parties,  ours  can  be  not  only  simpler  and  more  effective,  but 
independent  of  party  organizations  and  giving  full  play  to  the  individual 
choice  of  the  elector. 


CHAFIER    IV. 

THE  CUMULATIVE  VOTE. 

This  process,  as  applied  to  the  election  of  Directors  in  corporations 
and  Trustees  for  Reclamation  Districts,  is  thus  described  in  Art.  XII, 
2,  of  the  Constitution  of  California : 

"In  all  elections  for  directors  or  managers  of  corporations  every 
shareholder  shall  have  the  right  to  vote,  in  person  or  by  proxy,  the  num  • 
•f  shares  of  stock  owned  by  him,  for  as  many  persons  as  there  are 
directors  and  managers  to  be  elected,  or  to  cumulate  said  shares  and  to 
give  one  candidate  as  many  votes  as  the  number  of  directors  multiplied 
by  the  number  of  his  shares  of  stock  shall  equal,  or  to  distribute  them, 
on  the  same  principle  among  as  many  candidates  as  he  shall  see  fit." 

It  is  a  movement  towards  the  proportional  representation  of  parties, 
not  of  people,  which  can  only  be  worked  to  advantage  in  a  small  organi- 
zation where  all  can  be  present,  or  in  districts  returning  three  to  five 
members,  and  then  quite  imperfectly,  whereas  full  preferential  propor- 
tional representation  works  the  better  as  the  constituencies  are  enlarged. 
Sir  Rowland  Hill,  the  father  of  cheap  postage,  in  1840  drafted  a  form  of 
organization  for  the  municipality  of  Adelaide,  South  Australia,  which  col- 
ony was  then  new,  and  included  in  it  a  provision  for  cumulating  the  vote 
in  the  election  of  its  twenty  councilmen,  who  were  so  elected  for  three 
successive  years,  when  the  municipal  government  was  dropped  because  of 
scanty  population  and  expense.  It  was  suggested  in  England  in  1857  by 
James  Garth  Marshall.  About  1868  it  was  advocated  in  the  United 
States  by  U.  S.  Senator  Buckalew,  of  Pennsylvania.  In  1870  it  was 
used  to  elect  members  of  the  school  boards  in  Great  Britain,  and  has  been 
so  used  ever  since.  While  its  results  are  in  general  better  than  the  pres- 
ent system,  it  sometimes  leads  to  a  great  loss  of  voting  power.  In  the 
Marylebone  election  November,  1879,  for  seven  members  of  the  School 
Board,  Miss  Garrett  received  47,858  votes  out  of  165,165  when  8,000 
would  have  elected  her,  resulting  in  a  waste  of  nearly  40,000  votes — al- 
most one  fourth  of  the  whole.  Besides  which  53,516  votes— nearly  one- 
third  of  the  whole — were  cast  for  the  unsuccessful  candidates,  making  a 
total  waste  of  over  half  the  votes.  But  usually  the  waste  is  much  less. 

The  Illinois  Assembly  is  returned  by  districts  electing  cumulatively  3 
members  each,  and  works  well  as  regards  two  parties  only,  but  perpetu- 
ates the  evils  of  party  rule,  in  that  votes  not  cast  for  one  of  the  two 
parties  are.  nearly  all  ineffective,  and  therefore  voters  who  would  prefer  t<] 
herwise  represented  are  restricted  to  a  mere  option  as  the  alterna. 
tive  of  waste. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  LIST  OB  QUOTA  SYSTEM. 

Under  it  the  number  of  votes  cast  is  divided  by  the  number  of  candi- 
dates to  be  elected,  and  the  quotient  is  the  quota.  Each  body  or  party  of 
electors  can  return  as  many  candidates  as  it  has  cast  quotas,  and  the  bal- 
ance of  candidates  to  be  elected  are  to  be  returned  upon  the  largest  frac- 
tions of  quotas.  A  voter  expresses  his  preference  on  the  list  for  which  he 
votes  for  the  candidates  therein  named,  and  those  candidates  on  the 
list  who  receive  the  largest  number  of  individual  votes  are  elected  to 
the  extent  that  the  votes  cast  for  the  list  permits.  Thus,  supposing  1 0 
Congressmen  to  be  elected  by  a  State  on  300,000  votes.  Tke  quota  is  30,- 
000.  Prohibitionists  cast  30,000  votes,  and  so  get  one  member.  Popu- 
lists cast  80,000,  and  get  2  members  and  20,000  over.  Republicans, 
115,000,  get3  members  and  25.000  over.  Democrats  75,000  votes  which 
elect  2  members  and  15,000  over.  This  leaves  8  members  elected  on  full 
quotas.  The  other  two  are  elected  on  the  two  largest  fractions.  The 
Republicans  get  one  on  a  fraction  of  a  quota  of  25,000  ;  the  Populists  the 
other  on  a  fraction  of  20,000.  In  this  supposed  case  the  Democrats  would 
"throw  away"  15,000  votes,  the  benefit  of  which  go  to  the  Populists  and 
Republicans.  This  is  a  much  less  waste  of  votes  than  under  the  present 
system,  but  much  more  than  under  the  preferential.  This  system,  under 
various  actual  and  proposed  modifications,  involving  voluminous  detail, 
is,  as  previously  stated,  in  successful  operation  in  three  Swiss  Cantons. 

In  November  15th,  1882,  the  first  election  in  Geneva  under  this  sys- 
tem took  place,  when  13,349  persons  voted  in  three  districts  for  100  depu- 
ties to  the  "Grand  Council,"  or  Cantonal  legislature.  The  percentage 
of  wasted  votes  amounted  to  3.9,  3.4  and  1.7  per  cent,  in  the  several  three 
districts,  five  parties  being  in  the  main,  fairly  represented.  One  week 
earlier  53  per  cent,  of  the  votes  for  Assemblymen  in  Calif ornia  were  wasted. 
Hon.  Tom  L.  Johnson  proposed  in  the  last  Congress  a  bill  to  enable 
members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  be  elected  by  the  States 
somewhat  on  this  plan,  but  simpler  and  at  least  as  effective.  Its  princi- 
pal defects  are  that  it  does  not  dispense  with  party  machinery  and  gives 
rise  to  endless  discussions  and  complications  as  to  the  best  manner  of 
ascertaining  quotas  and  apportioning  fractions  of  quotas,  whereas  COM- 
PLETE proportional  representation  can  be  reached  by  a  process  much 
simpler  and  nearer  accuracy,  independent  of  party  organizations  or  party 
leaders,  by  the  Hare  preferential  vote.  The  latter  would  be  in  accordance 
with  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  California  in  October,  1892, 
that  the  clause  in  the  Australian  ballot  law  providing  that  a  voter  could 


THE    IDEAL    PLAN. 


15 


vote  for  the  whole  party  ticket  by  one  mark,  was  unconstitutional,  be- 
cause it  was  "  an  attempt  to  discriminate  against  classes  of  voters,"  and 
its  effect  would  be  to  subject  such  classes  to  partial  disfranchisement,  or 
the  casting  of  such  votes  upon  m  ore  burdensome  conditions  than  others  no 
r  entitled,  under  the  fundamental  law,  to  the  free  and  untrammeled 
exercise  of  the  right  of  suffrage.  This  is  done  by  our  present  system 
and  would  be  done  under  any  system  which  gives  to  voters  acting  with 
party  organizations  any  advantage  in  representation  over  others  who 
do  not.  The  quota  system  admits  of  some  waste  of  votes,  and  does  not 
leave  sufficient  play  to  individuality  of  voters. 


CHAPTER     VI. 

THE  PREFEKENTIAL  PLAN. 

This  has  been  designated  by  Rev.  Ernest.  Naville,  of  Geneva,  Swit- 
zerland, as  the  ideal  of  proportional  representation,  and  in  a  very  limited 
and  imperfect  way,  was  introduced  in  Denmark  in  1855,  and  is  still  used 
indirectly,  in  the  election  of  its  upper  House,  known  as  the  Landsthing. 

A  better  plan  was  advocated  by  the  late  Thomas  Hare,  barrister-at 
law,  of  London,  in  1857,  and  was  ably  set  forth  by  John  Stuart  Mill.  It 
has  since  been  much  simplified  by  Sir  John  Lubbock  and  others,  and  can 
be  claimed  as  at  once  the  simplest  and  most  effective  of  any  system  yet 
proposed,  except  that  the  Gove  plan  is  more  simple,  though  less  complete. 

The  quota  is  acertained,  as  in  the  quota  or  "free  list"  system  now  in  op- 
eration in  three  Swiss  Cantons  ;  that  is,  by  dividing  the  number  of  votes 
cast  by  the  number  of  candidates  to  be  elected;  but  its  distinguishing  and 
most  excellent  feature  is  that  the  wasted  votes  are  reduced  to  a  minimum. 

Each  voter  numbers  the  candidates  on  the  ballot  in  the  order  of  his 
choice,  placing  the  figure  "  1 "  opposite  the  name  of  the  candidate  whom 
he  most  desires  to  sie  elected,  "2  "  opposite  his  "nextbest  "  candidate, 
"  3''  to  his  third  choice,  and  so  on.  The  votes  are  then  arranged  on  a 
file,  or  other  convenient  mode,  according  to  such  first  choice,  and  count- 
ed. If  any  candidates  have  a  larger  number  of  these  first -choice  votes 
than  the  quota,  suchsurplus  votes  are  taken  off  (the  votes  of  the  candi- 
dates haying  the  largest  surplus  being  disposed  of  first),  and  transferred  to 


16  HOW  THE   HARE  SYSTEM   IS   WORKED. 

his  second  choice,  as  marked  on  each  ballot,  provided  such  choice  is  not 
already  elected,  and,  in  that  case,  to  the  third  choice,  and  so  on  until  the 
vote  is  made  available  for  some  candidate  who  needs  it,  it  being  the  in- 
tention to  utilize  the  vote,  or  ballot,  for  the  candidate  to  whom  the  voter 
of  that  ballot  would  have  given  it,  as  indicated  by  his  numbering  thereof, 
could  he  have  known  that  his  first  choice  (or  second,  third  or  fourth, 
should  it  so  turn  out)  had  been  elected  without  his  assistance. 

Whenever  a  candidate  has  reached  a  quota,  either  by  first-choice  votes 
only,  or  by  the  addition  of  second,  third  or  subsequent  choice,  that  quota 
is  set  aside  immediately  as  belonging  to  him,  and  not  thereafter  use'd, 
he  being  then  declared  elected.  So  far  as  his  name  may  appear  on  bal- 
lots subsequently  counted,  it  is  canceled,  or  unnoticed,  and  the  ballot 
counted  for  second  or  subsequent  choice. 

After  all  the  surplus  votes  are  thus  disposed  of,  should  there  be  still 
more  candidates  remaining  on  the  board  than  are  yet  to  be  elected,  the 
ballots  of  the  candidate  having  the  least  number  of  first-choice  votes  are 
transferred  to  the  second,  third,  fourth  choice,  etc.,  the  same  as  the  sur- 
plus votes  ;  and  as  fast  as  any  candidate  thus  obtains  a  quota,  the  bal- 
lots constituting  it  are  withdrawn  and  the  candidate  declared  elected,  un- 
til there  are  no  more  candidates  remaining  on  the  board  than  are  re- 
quired to  complete  the  number  to  be  elected.  Then  those  remaining 
are  declared  elected,  though  short  of  a  quota. 

In  September,  1892,  this  process  was  adopted  at  the  quarterly  meeting 
of  the  Mechanics'  Institute  of  this  city  for  electing  annually  seven  of  its 
fourteen  Trustees,  the  essential  portions  of  Section  2,  Article  IX  of  its 
Constitution,  as  so  adopted,  being  as  follows ; 

"SEC. 2.  Every  member  who  shall  have  complied  with  Article  VIII, 
Sections  1  and  2,  at  least  six  months  previous  to  such  election,  and  who 
is  not  delinquent,  shall  be  entitled  to  vote  in  the  election  of  Trustees. 

"  The  voting  shall  be  by  the  process  known  as  the  preferential  method 
of  proportional  representation,  as  follows  : 

"1.  Each  voter  shall  have  one  vote,  but  may  vote  in  the  alternative  for 
as  many  candidates  as  he  pleases,  by  writing  the  figures  1,  2,  3,  etc.,  op- 
posite the  names  of  those  candidates  in  the  order  of  his  preference. 

"2.  The  ballot  papers  having  been  all  mixed,  shall  be  drawn  out  in  suc- 
cession and  stamped  with  numbers,  so  that  no  two  shall  bear  the  same 
number. 

"3.  The  number  obtained  by  dividing  the  whole  number  of  good  bal- 
lot papers  tendered  at  the  election  by  the  number  of  Trustees  to  be  elected 
shall  beaclled  the  Quota.  If  such  number  has  a  fraction,  such  fractional 
part  shall  be  deducted. 


T1IK    MECHANIC'S'    INSTITUTE    ELECTION THE    (JOVE    PLAN.  17 

"  4.  Every  candidate  who  has  a  number  of  first  votes  equal  to  or 
greater  than  the  Quota  shall  be  declared  to  be  elected,  and  so  many 
of  the  ballot  papers  containing  those  votes  as  shall  be  equal  in  number 
to  the  Quota  shall  be  set  aside  as  the  Quota  of  that  candidate,  in  a 
sealed  envelop,  and  sealed  and  signed  by  the  Judges  of  Election.  On  all 
other  ballot  papers  the  name  of  such  elected  candidate  shall  be  cancelled, 
with  the  effect  of  raising  by  so  much  in  the  order  of  preference  all  votes 
given  tc  other  candidates  after  him.  This  process  shall  be  repeated  un- 
til no  candidate  has  more  than  a  Quota  of  first  votes,  or  votes  deemed  first. 

"  5.  Then  the  candidate  or  candidates  having  the  fewest  first  votes, 
or  votes  deemed  first,  shall  be  declared  not  to  be  elected,  with  the  effect 
of  raising  so  much  in  the  order  of  preference  all  votes  given  to  candi- 
dates after  him  or  them,  and  Rule  4  shall  be  again  applied,  if  possible. 

"  6.  When  by  successive  applications  of  Rules  4  and  5,  the  number  of 
candidates  is  reduced  to  the  number  of  Trustees  remaining  to  be  elected, 
the  remaining  candidates  shall  be  declared  elected." 

On  Febmary  28th,  1893,  the  seven  Trustees  were  elected  accordingly. 
As  905  votes  were  cast,  the  Quota  was  129.  Two  candidates  received 
187  and  178  votes  respectively  as  first  choice,  the  distribution  of 
their  surpluses  did  not  elect  any  others.  By  "  elimination"  three  more 
received  full  quotas;  one  was  elected  on  123  votes,  -end  another  on  122. 
There  were  but  16  ineffective  votes,  and  the  whole  counting  was  com- 
pleted within  four  hours.  Next  time  it  may  be  done  in  less  than  two 
hours.  Out  of  five  judges  and  tally  clerks,  only  one  had  any  previous 
experience  of  the  process  ;  yet  none  of  them  experienced  the  slightest 
difficulty  in  the  discharge  of  their  functions.  (See  Appendix  I.) 

THE  GOVE  PLAN. 

Mr.  Wm.  H.  Gove,  of  Salem,  Mass.,  has  devised  a  simplification  of  the 
Hare  plan,  by  which  the  voter  marks  one  name  only.  Each  candidate, 
before  the  election,  officially  announces  that  the  ballots  which  he  may  not 
need,  as  being  surplus  or  insufficient,  shall  be  transferred  to  certain  other 
candidates  named  by  him,  and  they  are  so  transferred,  first  to  such  can- 
didate among  these  not  having  a  Quota  as  has  the  highest  first-choice 
vote,  until  that  candidate  reaches  a  Quota,  and  then,  should  more  ballots 
remain,  to  the  next  highest,  and  so  on,  those  thus  reaching  a  Quota  to  be 
set  aside,  as  under  the  Hare  plan. 

Its  drawbacks  are  that  the  voter  is  deprived  of  his  INDIVIDUAL  choice 
in  the  disposal  of  a  contingent  vote  ;  that  the  candidates  would  usually 
name  alternates  from  their  own  parties,  while  the  individual  voter  under 
the  Hare  plan  could  exercise  his  second,  third  or  fourth  choice  regardless 


18  THE   GOVE   AND   HAKE   Pr;ANS   COMPABED. 

of  party  lines,  according  to  his  views  of  individual  fitness  ;  that  popular 
candidates  would  be  exposed  to  excessive  importunities  on  behalf  of  un- 
fit persons  to  induce  them  to  place  such  persons  on  their  lists  of  alter- 
nates. Both  these  objections  would  diminish  in  force  under  the  contin- 
uous operation  of  the  system  itself. 

Itc,  advantages  over  the  Hare  plan  are  more  rapid  casting  and  counting 
the  vote,  and  that  as  soon  as  the  votes  would  be  counted  at  the  precincts, 
any  one  with  the  record  of  that  count  and  a  list  of  the  alternates  or  con- 
tingents of  each  candidate,  could  by  addition  determine  what  candidates 
had  been  elected,  and  there  would  be  no  necessity  to  remove  the  ballots 
from  the  precinct  except  to  verify  the  count;  and  then,  should  the  ballots 
be  lost  or  stolen  on  the  way,  the  precinct  record  would  still  be  sufficient 
to  determine  the  result.  Under  the  Hare  plan  the  ballots  themselves,  or 
their  duplicates,  would  have  to  be  conveyed,  except  in  municipal  elections, 
to  some  central  point,  such  as  the  State  capital,  to  be  counted.  But  it  is 
claimed  that  the  ballots  could  easily  be  duplicated  automatically,  and  the 
objections  have  no  weight  as  to  municipal,  societary,  corporation  and  con- 
vention elections,  in  all  of  which  the  Hare  plan  would  work  without  a  flaw. 

The  Gove  plan  has  been  embodied  in  a  bill  placed  before  the  Massa- 
chusetts Legislature  for  the  election  of  the  State  Senate,  which  bill  is  a 
model  of  perspicuity  and  thoroughness.  I  think  the  waste  votes  under 
that  process  would  be  greater  than  under  the  Hare  but  less  than  under 
fhe  "  Free  List"  process.  It  is  advocated  by  John  M.  Berry,  of  Worcester, 
an  able  and  energetic  pioneer  of  electoral  reform  who  is  addicted  to  the 
compilation  of  unanswerable  statistics  against  the  myth  of  majority  rule. 


CHAPTER  VII, 

THE  PARAMOUNT   ISSUE  :    SHALL   CIVILIZATION    GROW    INTO    HARMONIZATION,    OR 
PERISH  IN  THE   CANCEROUS  CORRUPTION  BRED  BY  OUR  POLITICS  ? 

It  is  sufficient  in' this  connection  to  merely  mention  our  industrial  con- 
ditions in  their  moral  aspect  and  the  obvious  and  urgent  need  of  securing 
the  best  ability,  the  largest  experience  and  the  most  unflinching  courage 
and  integrity  in  our  "  representative"  bodies.  We  certainly,  by  present 
metheds,  do  AND  MUST  secure  the  opposites  of  these  qualities  in  an  in- 
creasing degree,  to  the  extent  that  even  honest  legislators  are  compelled 
to  give  more  time  to  study  the  workings  of  political  machinery  and  the 
individual  interests  of  influential  constituents  than  to  the  consideration 
of  the  most  vital  public  questions.  Whether  our  civilization  shall,  by  the 
solution  of  the  most  tremendous  and  far-reaching  problems  ever  pre- 
sented (a  solution  conclusively  KNOWN,  but  incapable  of  being  fully  pre- 
sented or  intelligently  acted  upon  BECAUSE  of  our  politics)  grow  into  har- 
monization, or  relapse,  through  internecine  war,  already  initiated,  into  a 
thinly  veneered  barbarism,  combining  and  intensifying  civilized  and  sav- 
age vices  and  crimes,  while  obliterating  the  virtues  of  both,  is  to  be  de- 
termined by  intelligent  action  or  insane  inaction  touching  the  subjects  of 
this  pamphlet.  This  political  cancer  must  be  extirpated  and  the  body  politic 
reconstructed  on  hygienic  plans,  or  it  will  increasingly  permeate  every 
form  of  our  life,  to  the  eventual  extinction  of  all  love  of  the  good,  the  beau- 
tiful and  the  true.  It  is  useless  to  prove  on  paper  the  possible  existence 
of  an  earthly  paradise  unless  we  can  find  THE  KEY.  Purify  politics  by  makin 
representation  democratically  accessible  TO  ALL,  through  justice  to  each, 
and  the  tendency  will  be  upward  ;  inspiration  and  aspiration  will  impart 
to  good  that  superiority  to  evil,  to  truth  that  power  to  uproot  false- 
hood which  they  always  have  possessed  in  a  fair  field.  Then  "  ever 
the  right"  WILL  "come  uppermost," "and  "ever"  WILL  "justice  [be]  done." 

The  delusions  that  wherever  suffrage  is  "universal"  "  the  people  rule," 
and  that  "  all  needed  to  make  the  government  better  is  to  make  the  peo- 
ple better,"  are  the  most  efficient  paralysers  of  every  form  of  progress 
that  could  possibly  be  devised.  I  have  proved  that  under  party  machin- 
ery "the  people"  are  nearly  powerless.  And  so  far  as  this  is  made  known 
Iry  bones  of  public  opinion,  now  deadened  by  that  reiterated  and 
most  diabolical  "  people's  rule"  myth,  will  be  re-clothed  with  flesh  and 
become  "an  exceeding  great  army,"  whereby  legislators,  councilmen,  etc., 
being  no  longer  regarded  as  REPRESENTATIVES,  but  merely  as  defectively 


20  THE   NEW   EARTH — WORKING    OF    THE  YEAST. 

selected  AGENTS  of  the  community  ("  locum  tenens"),  would  be  spurred  to 
beneficent  action.  Public  opinion  would  then  reach  such  power  that  its 
insistance  on  the  substitution  of  real  representation  for  its  idiotic  mock- 
ery would  have  to  be  heeded. 

Governments  are  said  to  "  derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed."  But  under  present  methods,  that  consent  is  not  obtain- 
able; that  which  is  assumed  to  be  consent  is  merely  endurance.  A  few 
in  earnest,  especially  women,  can  arouse  the  many  to  insist  on  complete 
representation.  Herein  lies  the  path  of  safety  and  freedom  for  all.  The 
evolution  of  science  by  investigation,  of  industry  by  invention  and  of 
the  social  order  by  co-operation — all  these  require  as  a  preliminary  or 
concomitant,  without  which  they  may  become  (and  have  been,  in  part) 
curses,  that  POLITICAL  EVOLUTION  which  accords  with  science,  with  indus- 
try, with  social  progress  and — above  all — with  absolute,  eternal  JUSTICE. 

The  old  Eoman  said:  "Fiat  justitia,  ruat  coelum"— let  justice  be  done, 
though  the  heavens  fall.  This  political  justice  means  not  fallen  heav- 
ens, but  a  risen  and  redeemed  EARTH — a  constituent  of  that  seen  by  John 
the  Kevelator : — 

"NEW  HEAVENS  AND  A  NEW  EARTH  WHEREIN  DWELLETH  RIGHTEOUSNESS." 


HOW   THP  YEAST  WOULD    WORK. 
BY  ALFRED  DENTON  CRIDGE,  OF  LEMOORE,  GAL. 

How  would  it  work  ?  It  would  lighten  up  and  elevate  the  whole  mas 
of  the  political  and  social  structure.  Instead  of  disseminating  poison 
throughout  the  body  politic,  adding  burdens  to  society,  encouraging  the 
violation  of  every  moral  law  and  rewarding  the  criminal  with  eminence, 
honor  and  power,  the  yeast  of  proportional  representation  would  act  in 
the  reverse  to  the  present  Mis-representative  methods  that  threaten  the 
very  existence  of  civilization. 

Instead  of  generations  of  effort  having  to  be  put  forth  to  DRIVE  poli- 
ticians and  statesmen  a  step  in  advance,  the  true  leaders  of  thought 
would  themselves  be  the  politicians  (in  the  higher  sense  of  the  term)  and 
statesmen,  and  step  after  step  would  be  taken  in  social  and  political 
progress,  as  the  application  of  steam  to  mechanics,  ignored  as  a  power 
from  barbarism  to  the  opening  of  the  present  century,  enabled,  directly 
or  indirectly,  greater  mechanical  and  productive  advances  to  be  made  in 
a  single  decade  than  in  a  cycle  of  generations  before  ;  for,  compelled  to 


CLEARING   THE   TRACK    OF   PRESENT   ISSUES.  21 

place  their  ablest,  most  honest  and  courageous  members  to  the  fore  or 
lose  recognition  from  the  masses,  the  dishonest  schemer  no  longer  in  de- 
mand, the  depraved  and  unprincipled  NOT  MORE  than  proportionally  rep- 
resented, the  different  political,  social  or  moral  schools  of  thought  would 
and  could,  with  an  infinitesimal  fraction  of  their  present  efforts,  compel 
that  attention  to  be  paid  to  their  propositions  which  is  all  the  advocates 
<  'f  any  honest  reform  can  desire.  Sifted,  examined,  criticised  pro  and 
con.,  before  the  ablest  and  most  honest  of  the  State  or  nation — lor  pro- 
portional represention  compels  the  selection  of  men  having  BOTH  qualifi- 
cations— every  measure  of  reform  would  speedily  and  naturally  have  a 
hearing.  Finally  submitted  to  popular  ratification  or  rejection,"  through 
the  operation  of  direct  legislation,  all  necessary  to  be  done  by  the  workers 
for  any  reform  would  to  educate  the  masses.  Now  they  must  strive 
and  work,  rebuffed,  deceived,  betrayed,  discouraged  misrepresented, 
or  having  no  advocates  whatever  in  legislative  bodies,  long  after  ninety 
per  cent,  of  the  people  are  in  favor  of  the  proposed  changes.  Witness 
the  proposition  to  elect  U.  S.  Senators  by  popular  vote,  government  tele- 
graphs, free  silver  coinage,  etc.,  any  one  of  which,  under  genuine  democ- 
would  have  been  settled  ten  years  ago. 

With  .the  yeast  of  proportional  representation  at  work  in  the  United 
States,  what  advances  would  be  made  in  social  and  political  matters  in  a 
century  would.be  as  difficult  to  clearly  foretell  as  for  Fulton  to  have 
drawn  the  plans  of  the  magnificent  floating  queens  of  the  ocean  that  set 
out  from  the  wharves  of  New  York  or  Liverpool  to-day — as  impossible 
as  for  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  to  have  told  the 
names  of  the  future  States  and  Territories  to  be  added  to  the  Union  so 
gloriously  founded,  so  ignobly  being  wrecked. 

With  such  questions  as  free  trade,  the  single  tax,  government  trans- 
portation, government  banking,  etc.,  finally  settled  and  laid  aside ;  with  a 
score  of  reform  propositions  too  lengthy  to  mention  laid  on  the  shelf  of 
oblivion  or  engrafted  into  the  crown  of  universal  political  and  social  lib- 
erty, the  attention  of  the  people,  the  functions  of  government,  would  be 
occupied  with  new  questions  and  new  duties.  The  problem  of  just  dis- 
tribution of  the  products  of  labor,  which  the  Sphinx  of  Time  has  given 
to  every  nation  and  civilization  to  answer,  and  which  none  have  done  cor- 
rectly, one  by  one  having  sunk  down  in  ignominious  death  or  hopeless 
paralysis,  would  be  settled  peacefully  by  the  American  civilization,  and 
the  inarch  to  the  higher  plane  of  human  harmonization  go  on,  no  longer 


22 


UNITE   ON   THIS   LINE   AND   STORM   THE   FORT. 


dropping  the  blood  of  heroes,  martyrs,  innocents  and  slaves  at  every 
step. 

Fellow  workers  for  the  uplifting  of  humanity,  no  matter  under  what 
banner,  be  you  members  of  whatever  regiment  of  the  reform  army  now 
being  defeated  or  blocked  piecemeal,  Woman  Suffragists,  Prohibitionists, 
Socialists,  members  of  Peace  societies,  Populists,  Christian  Socialists, 
Single  Taxers,  what  not — be  you  in  my  opinion  right  or  wrong,  you  have 
nothing  to  lose,  you  have  a  world  to  gain,  by  supporting  this  fundamen- 
tal corner-stone — proportional  representation. 

It  is  the  keystone  of  the  arch  of  genuine  democracy  ;  it  is  the  key  to 
the  lock  in  the  gate  of  MIGHT  that  bars  the  progress  of  man  to  universal 
peace  and  plenty  ;  it  is  the  open-sesame  to  the  treasure  house  which  the 
Creator  has  filled  for  us,  long  held  by  "  forty  thieves  ;"  it  is  the  chisel  to 
strike  off  our  chains.  Pronounce  it,  proclaim  it,  demand  it.  •  Forward ! 
Close  up  the  columns  ;  stop  bickering  ;  dress  right  and  left !  March  ! 


THE   SCALES   OF   /^-JUSTICE. 


BALANCE    OF 


POWER. 


The  present  electoral  system  cannot  last  long.  It  consecrates  too  much  in- 
justice, and  permits  a  small  group  of  electors  to  turn  the  scale. — Brussels 
La  Representation  Proportionelle, 

The  assassination  of  Mayor  Carter  Harrison,  of  Chicago,  by  a 
disappointed  office  seeker,  on  October  28th,  1893,  as  that  of  Presi- 
dent Garfield  by  Guiteau,  is  a  natural  result  of  our  present  electoral 
system,  which  breeds  assassins  as  inevitably  as  a  southern  swamp 
breeds  venomous  reptiles.  We  have  nearly  arrived  at  "  the  parting 
of  the  ways,"  where  the  alternative  is  the  adoption  of  proportional 
representation  or  rapid  retrogression  to  worse  than  barbarism. 


APPENDIX. 
1. 

DETAILED    DIRECTIONS  FOR  WORKING   THE  SIMPLIFIED  HARE    PREFERENTIAL 

PROCESS. 

For  the  information  of  :hose  who  have  not  seen  the  process  exemplified,  and  who  de- 
sire to  apply  it,  in  trial  ballots  or  in  actual  elections,  the  following  directions  are  added  : 

1 .  Make  sure,  as  far  as  possible,  that  every  individual  participant  understands  how  to 
'mark  his  ballot  in  accordance  with  his  wishes,  particularly  cautioning  all  not  to  mark  two 

candidates  with  the  same  number,  and  to  mark  more  than  one  or  two  candidates,  to  en- 
sure effectiveness.     Where  seven  are  to  be  elected,  at  least  four  should  be  marked. 

2.  Count  the  ballots  ;   divide  the  number  by  the  number  of  candidates  to  be  elected  ; 
the  quotient,  dropping  the  fraction,  is  the  QUOTA.     Thus:    905  votes  divided  by  7  can- 
didates gives  a  quota  of  129,  the  2  over  being  dropped.     As  additional  precaution  against 
inaccuracy,  the  ballots  may  be  stamped  as  cast,  by  means  of  an  automatic  numbering  stamp, 
and  again  so  stamped  when  taken  out  to  be  assorted  according  to  first  choice. 

3.  Lay  out  the  ballots  in  alphabetical  order,  according  to  the  names  of  the  FIRST 
CHOICE  candidates  on  each  ballot,  on  the  table,  in  piles,  or  preferably,  place  them  on  up- 
right files  similarly  arranged.     Where  the  number  of  votes  is  large,  especially  in  actual 
elections,  it  is  well  to  conspicuously  label  each  file  or  pile  with  the  candidate's  name,  so 
that  the  judges  of  election  on  the  inside  and  the  audience  on  the  outside  can  alike  see 
that  each  ballot,  as  drawn  and  called  out  by  one  judge  is  placed  on  the  right  file  by  an- 
other judge  to  whom  he  passes  it.     The  tally  clerk  swill  note  this  first-choice  vote  in  the 
customary  manner.     Ballots  that,  from  any  cause,  fail  to  show  the  intention  of  the  voter 
should  be  placed  by  themselves  as  "non-votes." 

4.  When  all  the  ballots  have  thus  been  distributed  according  to  first  choice,  count 
them  as  they  are  on  the  files  for  each  candidate,  and  if  their  total  does  not  correspond 
with  the  previous  counts,  including  tallies,  adjust  the  discrepancy. 

5.  Should  any  candidate  or  candidates  have  a  surplus  (more  votes  than  a  Quota),  take 
a  number  of  ballots  equal  to  the  Quota  from  the  file  of  the  candidate  having  the  largest 
surplus  ;  place  them  in  an  envelop,  or  other  convenient  package,  set  them  aside  as  that 
candidate's  Quota,  to  be  used  no  mire,  and  declare  that  candidate  elected.     Distribute 
the  surplus  according  to  the  second  choice  on  each  ballot,  unless  such  second  choice  also 
has  a  surplus  ;    then  that  ballot  goes  to  the  third  choice,  and  so  on.     But  whenever,  by 
the  distribution  of  such  surplus,  any  candidate's  ballots  are  raised  to  the  Quota  (votes  so 
transferred  to  a  candidate  counting  the  same  as  if  they  had  originally  been  cast  for  him 
as  first  choice),  that  candidate  is  declared  elected,  and  the  ballots  by  which  he  has  been 
elected  will  be  set  aside  as  before.     No  more  ballots  will  thereafter  be  counted  for  him, 
but  they  will  be  counted  for  the  next  candidate  in  order  of  choice  not  elected.     After  the 
surplus  votes  of  the  candidate  having  the  largest  surplus  have  thus  been  distributed,  those 
of  the  candidate  having  the  next  largest  surplus  will  be  treated  in  the  same  manner,  until 
all  the  surplus  votes  have  been  so  disposed  of. 


24 

(In  actual  elections  we  believe  it  will  be  found  that  but   a  small  proportion   of  candij 
dates  will  have  any  surplus,  and  that  surplus  will  often  be  insufficient  to  elect  any  otl 
candidate — contrary  to  what  is  assumed  by  opponents,  but  accordant  with  experience. ) 

6.     The  next  process  is  known  as  "  elimination,'5  and  consists  in  taking  the  ballots 
the  candidate  having  the  least  number  of  votes  as  first  choice  and  distributing  them  in  tl 
same  manner  as  the  surplus  votes,  similarly  removing   from  the  board,  or  table,  the  bal 
lots  of  candidates  who  may  thus  reach  a  Quota.     Then  do  the  same  with  the  ballots  of  tl 
candidate  having  next  to  the  least  number  of  first  choice  votes  ;  and  so  on,  until  the  numl 
ber  of  candidates  remaining  on  the  board  is  reduced  to  the  number  remaining  to  be  electedj 
Those  so  remaining  will  then  be  declared  elected,  though  short  of  a  Quota. 

These  directions  may  look  somewhat  complicated,  while  the  actual  workiug  is  vei 
simple,  for  the  same  reason  that  the  processes  of  assorting  the  mails  or  type-setting  rnigh; 
require  columns  to  make  clear  fo  persons  who  have  never  seen  done  those  operatic 
which  are  continually  being  performed   in  seconds  by  persons  of  average  ability.     Thi' 
comparison,  however,  does  the  simplified  preferential  plan  an  injustice,  it  being  a 
dred  times  as  simple  as  the  other  processes  specified,  so  that  any  intelligent  person  coul 
understand  and  be  able  to  conduct  it  by  witnessing  two  or  three  trial  ballots. 


II. 

PRESENT    SITUATION    OF  THE    MOVEMENT THE   NATIONAL    ORGANIZATION-] 

WILL    OREGON    LEAD? 

On  August  loth — I2th,  1893,  an  International  Conference  of  advocates  of  Proj 
tional  Representation  was  held  in  Chicago,  which  has  resulted  in  the  formation  of 
national  organization.  Hon.  Wm.  Foulke,  of  Richmond,  Ind.,  is  President  and  Mi 
Stoughton  Cooley,  22  Fifth  avenue,  Chicago,  is  Secretary-Treasurer.  Its  dues  are  or 
dollar  annually,  which  includes  its  publications,  the  first  of  which — the  Proportion!. 
Representation  Review — contains  an  abstract  of  the  speeches  at  that  Conference,  etc. 

In  Oregon  there  is  a  movement  to  combine  "  direct  legislation"  with  proportional  re 
resentation  in  such  a  manner  that  each  will  help  the  other.     Some  serious  drawbacks      » 
the  efficiency  of  the  Initiative  specified  in  Chapter  III,  arising  from  corrupt  politicians 
may  not  apply  to  Oregon,  where  such  men  would  be  easily   "spotted."     An  endeav<|M 
will  there  be  made  to  elect  a  Legislature  next  June  pledged  to  call  a  Constitional  C°nH 
vention  (which  it  can  do  by  a  simple  majority),  to  be  elected  by  proportional  r<=>present£|| 
tion,  which  Convention  is  to  embody  the  Referendum  and   Initiative  in  the  Constitutiorj 
and   to  also   provide   that  laws  passed  under  them  shall  be  part  of  the  organic  law, 
that  no  State  authority  could  question  their  constitutionality.      I  suggest  concentration  ol 
means  by  advocates  of  political  justice  the  world  over  to  carry  out  this  programme  in  Ore- 
gon, as  being,  apparently,  "on  the  line  of  least  resistance." 

Details  of  these  movements  as  they  transpire  will  appear  in  Hope  and  Home  and  the 
Star  (both  of  San  F.rancisco),  Pittsbur^  Kansan,  Boerne  (Texas),  Post,  etc. 


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